
U.S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS 

     "A clique of U.S. industrialists is hell-bent to bring a fascist
     state to supplant our democratic government and is working closely
     with the fascist regime in Germany and Italy.  I have had plenty of
     opportunity in my post in Berlin to witness how close some of our
     American ruling families are to the Nazi regime.  .  .  .
     
     "Certain American industrialists had a great deal to do with
     bringing fascist regimes into being in both Germany and Italy.
     They extended aid to help Fascism occupy the seat of power, and
     they are helping to keep it there."  - William E. Dodd, U.S.
     Ambassador to Germany, 1937.(1)

A large volume of documentary evidence exists that reveals that many of
the richest, most powerful men in the United States, and the giant
corporations they controlled, were secretly allied with the Nazis, both
before and during World War II, even after war was declared between
Germany and America. This alliance began with U.S. corporate investment
during the reconstruction of post-World War I Germany in the 1920s and,
years later, included financial, industrial and military aid to the
Nazis. On the pages which follow we will review which prominent
Americans and corporations were involved, what aid and comfort they gave
our nation's enemies - treasonable offenses during time of war, and
investigations into these matters which produced evidence of a US/Nazi
corporate conspiracy to bring a fascist state to America, and eliminate
competition in the industrial raw materials market in order to force
world-wide dependance on oil-based petrochemicals. 



------------------------------------------------------------------------
WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST    

Hearst, who was so concerned about the American public's health and
safety on the matter of marijuana use, apparently had no such fears when
it came to Hitler and the Nazis. According to journalist George Seldes:

     ".  .  .  Hitler had the support of the most widely circulated
     magazine in history, 'Readers Digest,' as well as nineteen big-city
     newspapers and one of the three great American news agencies, the
     $220-million Hearst press empire.
     
     ".  .  .  William Randolph Hearst, Sr., .  .  .  was the lord of
     all the press lords in the United States.  The millions who read
     the Hearst newspapers and magazines and saw Hearst newsreels in the
     nation's moviehouses had their minds poisoned by Hitler propaganda.
     
     "It was .  .  .  disclosed first to President Roosevelt [by
     Ambassador Dodd] almost on the day it happened, in September 1934,
     and it is detailed in the book 'Ambassador Dodd's Diary,' published
     in 1941, and again in libel-proof documents on file in the courts
     of the state of New York.  William E. Dodd, professor of history
     [at the University of Chicago], told me about the Hearst sell-out .
     .  .
     
     "According to Ambassador Dodd, Hearst came to take the waters at
     Bad Nauheim in September 1934, and Dodd somehow learned immediately
     that Hitler had sent two of his most trusted Nazi propagandists,
     Hanfstangel and Rosenberg, to ask Hearst how Nazism could present a
     better image in the United States.  When Hearst went to Berlin
     later in the month, he was taken to see Hitler."

Seldes reports that a $400,000 a year deal was struck between Hearst and
Hitler, and signed by Doctor Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi propaganda
minister. "Hearst," continues Seldes, "completely changed the editorial
policy of his nineteen daily newspapers the same month he got the
money." 

In the court documents filed on behalf of Dan Gillmor, publisher of a
magazine named "Friday," in response to a lawsuit by Hearst, under item
61, he states: "Promptly after this said visit with Adolf Hitler and the
making of said arrangements. . . said plaintiff, William Randolph
Hearst, instructed all Hearst press correspondents in Germany, including
those of INS [Hearst's International News Service] to report happenings
in Germany only in a friendly' manner. All of such correspondents
reporting happenings in Germany accurately and without friendliness,
sympathy and bias for the actions of the then German government, were
transferred elsewhere, discharged, or forced to resign. . . ." 

In the late 1930s, Seldes recounts, when "several sedition indictments
[were brought by] the Department of Justice . . . against a score or two
of Americans, the defendants included an unusually large minority of
newspaper men and women, most of them Hearst employees." (2) 



------------------------------------------------------------------------
ANDREW MELLON    


     "Thurman Arnold, as assistant district attorney of the United
     States, his assistant, Norman Littell, and several Congressional
     investigations, have produced incontrovertible evidence that some
     of our biggest monopolies entered into secret agreements with the
     Nazi cartels and divided the world up among them," states Seldes in
     his book, "Facts and Fascism," published in 1943.  "Most notorious
     of all was Alcoa, the Mellon-Davis-Duke monopoly which is largely
     responsible for the fact America did not have the aluminum with
     which to build airplanes before and after Pearl Harbor, while
     Germany had an unlimited supply."  (3)

Alcoa sabotage of American war production had already cost the U.S.
"10,000 fighters or 1,665 bombers," according to Congressman Pierce of
Oregon speaking in May 1941, because of "the effort to protect Alcoa's
monopolistic position. . ." 

"If America loses this war," said Secretary of the Interior [Harold]
Ickes, June 26, 1941, "it can thank the Aluminum Corporation of
America." 

"By its cartel agreement with I.G. Farben, controlled by Hitler," writes
Seldes, "Alcoa sabotaged the aluminum program of the U.S. air force. The
Truman Committee [on National Defense, chaired by then-Senator Harry S.
Truman in 1942] heard testimony that Alcoa's representative, A.H.
Bunker, $1-a-year head of the aluminum section of O.P.M., prevented work
on our $600,000,000 aluminum expansion program." (4) 



------------------------------------------------------------------------

DU PONT AND GENERAL MOTORS    

General Motors is included here because, by 1929, the Du Pont
corporation had acquired controlling interest in, and had interlocking
directorships with, General Motors. 

Irenee du Pont, "the most imposing and powerful member of the clan,"
according to biographer and historian Charles Higham, "was obsessed with
Hitler's principles." "He keenly followed the career of the future
Fuhrer in the 1920s, and on September 7, 1926, in a speech to the
American Chemical Society, he advocated a race of supermen, to be
achieved by injecting special drugs into them in boyhood to make their
characters to order." Higham's book on this subject, "Trading with the
Enemy: An Expose of the Nazi-American Money Plot 1933-1949," is highly
recommended. 

Du Pont's anti-Semitism "matched that of Hitler" and, in 1933, the Du
Ponts "began financing native fascist groups in America . . ." one of
which Higham identifies as the American Liberty League: "a Nazi
organization whipping up hatred of blacks and Jews," and the "love of
Hitler. 


     "Financed .  .  .  to the tune of $500,000 the first year, the
     Liberty League had a lavish thirty-one-room office in New York,
     branches in twenty-six colleges, and fifteen subsidiary
     organizations nationwide that distributed fifty million copies of
     its Nazi pamphlets.  .  .  .
     
     "The Du Ponts' fascistic behavior was seen in 1936, when Irenee du
     Pont used General Motors money to finance the notorious Black
     Legion.  This terrorist organization had as its purpose the
     prevention of automobile workers from unionizing.  The members wore
     hoods and black robes, with skulls and crossbones.  They
     fire-bombed union meetings, murdered union organizers, often by
     beating them to death, and dedicated their lives to destroying Jews
     and communists.  They linked to the Ku Klux Klan.  .  .  .  It was
     brought out that at least fifty people, many of them blacks, had
     been butchered by the Legion."  (5)

Du Pont support of Hitler extended into the very heart of the Nazi war
machine as well, according to Higham, and several other researchers:
"General Motors, under the control of the Du Pont family of Delaware,
played a part in collaboration" with the Nazis. 

"Between 1932 and 1939, bosses of General Motors poured $30 million into
I.G. Farben plants . . ." Further, Higham informs us that by "the
mid-1930s, General Motors was committed to full-scale production of
trucks, armored cars, and tanks in Nazi Germany." (6) 

Researchers Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, in their book, "Power
Inc.," describe the Du Pont-GM-Nazi relationship in these terms:

     ".  .  .  In 1929, [Du Pont-controlled] GM acquired the largest
     automobile company in Germany, Adam Opel, A.G. This predestined the
     subsidiary to become important to the Nazi war effort.  In a
     heavily documented study presented to the Senate Subcommittee on
     Antitrust and Monopoly in February 1974, Bradford C.  Snell, an
     assistant subcommittee counsel, wrote:
     
     "'GM's participation in Germany's preparation for war began in
     1935.  That year its Opel subsidiary cooperated with the Reich in
     locating a new heavy truck facility at Brandenburg, which military
     officials advised would be less vulnerable to enemy air attacks.
     During the succeeding years, GM supplied the Wehrmact with Opel
     "Blitz" trucks from the Brandenburg complex.  For these and other
     contributions to [the Nazis] wartime preparations, GM's chief
     executive for overseas operations [James Mooney] was awarded the
     Order of the German Eagle (first class) by Adolf Hitler.'"

Du Pont-GM Nazi collaboration, according to Snell, included the
participation of Standard Oil of New Jersey [now Exxon] in one, very
important arrangement. GM and Standard Oil of New Jersey formed a joint
subsidiary with the giant Nazi chemical cartel, I.G. Farben, named Ethyl
G.m.b.H. [now Ethyl, Inc.] which, according to Snell: "provided the
mechanized German armies with synthetic tetraethyl fuel [leaded gas].
During 1936-39, at the urgent request of Nazi officials who realized
that Germany's scarce petroleum reserves would not satisfy war demands,
GM and Exxon joined with German chemical interests in the erection of
the lead-tetraethyl plants. According to captured German records, these
facilities contributed substantially to the German war effort: 'The fact
that since the beginning of the war we could produce lead-tetraethyl is
entirely due to the circumstances that, shortly before, the Americans
[Du Pont, GM and Standard Oil] had presented us with the production
plants complete with experimental knowledge. Without lead-tetraethyl the
present method of warfare would be unthinkable.'" (7) 

At about the same time the Du Ponts were serving the Nazi cause in
Germany, they were involved in a Fascist plot to overthrow the United
States government. 

"Along with friends of the Morgan Bank and General Motors," in early
1934, writes Higham, "certain Du Pont backers financed a coup d'etat
that would overthrow the President with the aid of a $3 million-funded
army of terrorists . . ." The object was to force Roosevelt "to take
orders from businessmen as part of a fascist government or face the
alternative of imprisonment and execution . . ." 

Higham reports that "Du Pont men allegedly held an urgent series of
meetings with the Morgans," to choose who would lead this "bizarre
conspiracy." "They finally settled on one of the most popular soldiers
in America, General Smedly Butler of Pennsylvania." Butler was
approached by "fascist attorney" Gerald MacGuire (an official of the
American Legion), who attempted to recruit Butler into the role of an
American Hitler. 

     "Butler was horrified," but played along with MacGuire until, a
     short time later, he notified the White House of the plot.
     Roosevelt considered having "the leaders of the houses of Morgan
     and Du Pont" arrested, but feared that "it would create an
     unthinkable national crisis in the midst of a depression and
     perhaps another Wall Street crash."  Roosevelt decided the best way
     to defuse the plot was to expose it, and leaked the story to the
     press.
     
     "The newspapers ran the story of the attempted coup on the front
     page, but generally ridiculed it as absurd and preposterous."  But
     an investigation by the Congressional Committee on Un-American
     Activities - 74th Congress, first session, House of
     Representatives, Investigation of Nazi and other propaganda - was
     begun later that same year.
     
     "It was four years," continues Higham, "before the committee dared
     to publish its report in a white paper that was marked for
     'restricted circulation.'  They were forced to admit that 'certain
     persons made an attempt to establish a fascist organization in this
     country .  .  .  [The] committee was able to verify all the
     pertinent statements made by General Butler.'  This admission that
     the entire plan was deadly in intent was not accompanied by the
     imprisonment of anybody.  Further investigations disclosed that
     over a million people had been guaranteed to join the scheme and
     that the arms and munitions necessary would have been supplied by
     Remington, a Du Pont subsidiary."  (8)

The names of important individuals and groups involved in the conspiracy
were suppressed by the committee, but later revealed by Seldes,
Philadelphia Record reporter Paul French, and Jules Archer, author of
the book, "The Plot to Seize the White House." Included were John W.
Davis (attorney for the J.P. Morgan banking group), Robert Sterling
Clark (Wall Street broker and heir to the Singer sewing machine
fortune), William Doyle (American Legion official), and the American
Liberty League (backed by executives from J.P. Morgan and Co.,
Rockefeller interests, E.F. Hutton, and Du Pont-controlled General
Motors). (9) 


THE US/NAZI CARTEL AGREEMENT 

"On November 23, 1937," states Higham, "representatives of General
Motors held a secret meeting in Boston with Baron Manfred von Killinger,
who was . . . in charge of West Coast espionage [for the Nazis], and
Baron von Tipplekirsch, Nazi consul general and Gestapo leader in
Boston. This group signed a joint agreement showing total commitment to
the Nazi cause for the indefinite future. . . ." (10) 

Seldes describes the plotters as "the great owners and rulers of America
who planned world domination through political and military Fascism"
including "several leading American industrialists, members of the
Congress of the United States, and representatives of large business and
political organizations . . ." 

He obtained the text of the agreement, and published it in his
newsletter, "In Fact," on July 13, 1942. The plan "goes much further
than the mere cartel conspiracies of Big Business of both countries,"
writes Seldes, "because it has political clauses and points to a bigger
conspiracy of money and politicians such as helped betray Norway and
France and other lands to the Nazi machine. The most powerful fortress
in America is the production monopolies, but its betrayal would involve,
as it did in France, the participation of some of the most powerful
figures of the political as well as the industrial world." (11) 


STANDARD OIL OF NEW JERSEY (Now Exxon) 

     "On February 27, 1942," according to Higham, "Arnold, with
     documents stuffed under his arms, .  .  .  strode into the lion's
     den of Standard at 30 Rockefeller Plaza.  Just behind him were
     Secretary of the Navy Franklin Knox and Secretary of the Army Henry
     L.  Stimson."  They confronted Standard official William Farish and
     "Arnold sharply laid down his charges" that "by continuing to favor
     Hitler in rubber deal and patent arrangements," Standard Oil "had
     acted against the interests of the American government .  .  .
     suggested a fine of $1.5 million and a consent decree whereby
     Standard would turn over for the duration all the patents" in
     question.
     
     "Farish rejected the proposal on the spot.  He pointed out that
     Standard" was also selling the U.S. a "high percentage" of the fuel
     being used by the Army, Navy, and Air Force "making it possible for
     America to win the war.  Where would America be without it?"

Blackmail? Yes, says Higham. And effective. Arnold was finally reduced
to asking the oil company official "to what Standard Oil would agree.
After all, there had to be at least token punishment. . . . Arnold,
Stimson, and Knox soon realized they had no power to compare with that
of Standard." 

The price Standard Oil "agreed" to pay for its crime? A modest fine of a
few thousand dollars divided up among ten defendants. "Farish paid
$1,000, or a quarter of one week's salary, for having betrayed America."

In New Jersey, charges of "criminal conspiracy with the enemy" were
filed against Standard, then "dropped in return for Standard releasing
its patents and paying the modest fine." But Arnold, and his ally,
Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes, weren't finished with Standard
Oil just yet. They approached Senator Truman, chairman of the Senate
Special Committee Investigating the National Defense Program. "With
great enthusiasm Give 'em Hell Harry embarked on a series of hearings in
March 1942, in order to disclose the truth about Standard." 

Between the 26th and the 28th of March, 1942, Arnold "produced documents
showing that Standard and Farben in Germany had literally carved up the
world markets, with oil and chemical monopolies all over the map,"
according to Higham. (12) 

Mintz and Cohen describe the confrontation:

     "Four months after the United States entered World War II, the
     Justice Department obtained an indictment of Exxon and its
     principal officers for having made arrangements, starting in the
     late 1920s with I.G. Farben involving patent sharing and division
     of world markets.  Jersey Standard agreed not to develop processes
     for the manufacture of synthetic rubber; in exchange, Farben agreed
     not to compete in the American petroleum market.  After war broke
     out in Europe, but before the attack on Pearl Harbor, executives of
     Standard Oil and Farben, at a meeting in Holland, established a
     'modus vivendi' for continuing the arrangements in event of war
     between the United States and Germany - although the arrangements
     interfered with the ability of the United States to make synthetic
     rubber desperately needed after it entered the war in December
     1941.  Rather than face a criminal trial, Exxon and the indicted
     executives entered no-contest pleas - the legal equivalent of
     guilty pleas - and were fined the minor sums which were the maximum
     amounts permitted by law.  A few days later, on March 26, 1942, the
     Senate Special Committee Investigating the National Defense Program
     held a hearing at which Thurman Arnold, chief of the Antitrust
     Division, put into the record documents on which the [criminal]
     indictment had been based, including a memo from a Standard Oil
     official on the 'modus vivendi' agreed to in Holland.  After the
     hearing, the committee chairman, Harry S. Truman, characterized the
     arrangements as treasonable."  (13)

Another source book on this subject of US / Nazi corporate activities is
"The Secret War Against the Jews," by Mark Aarons and John Loftus. Here
is their version of the events:

     "Before the war Standard of New Jersey had forged a synthetic oil
     and rubber cartel with the Nazi-controlled I.G. Farben," which
     "worked well until the United States joined the war in 1941.  .  .
     Next to the Rockefellers, I.G. Farben owned the largest share of
     stock in Standard Oil of New Jersey.  Among other things, Standard
     had provided Farben with its synthetic rubber patents and technical
     knowledge, while Farben had kept its patents to itself, under
     strict instructions from the Nazi government."

Evidence which Thurman Arnold turned over to the Truman Committee, which
Truman would declare "treasonous," included "Standard's 1939 letter
renewing its agreement, which made it clear that the Rockefellers'
company was prepared to work with the Nazis whether their own government
was at war with the Third Reich or not. Truman's Senate Committee on the
National Defense was outraged and began to probe into the whole
scandalous arrangement, much to the discomfort of John D. Rockefeller,
Jr. Suddenly, however, the whole matter was dropped. 

"There was a reason for Rockefeller's escape: blackmail. According to
the former intelligence officers we interviewed on this point, the
blackmail was simple and powerful: The Dulles brothers [John Foster,
later Secretary of State, and Allen, later director of the CIA] had one
of their clients threaten to interrupt the U.S. oil supply during
wartime." 

When confronted by Arnold on the Standard - Farben arrangement "Standard
executives made it clear that the entire U.S. war effort was fueled by
their oil and it could be stopped. . . . The American government had no
choice but to go along if it wanted to win the war." (14) 

July 13, 1944, Ralph W. Gallagher, attorney for Standard Oil, filed a
lawsuit against the U.S. government's seizure of the contested patents.
"On November 7, 1945, Judge Charles E. Wyzanski gave his verdict,"
according to Higham. "He decided that the government had been entitled
to seize the patents. Gallagher appealed. On September 22, 1947, Judge
Charles Clark delivered the final word on the subject. He said,
'Standard Oil can be considered an enemy national in view of its
relationships with I.G. Farben after the United States and Germany had
become active enemies.' The appeal was denied." (15) 

One aspect of this Standard - I.G. Farben relationship, revealed in
testimony during the Patents Committee hearings, chaired by Senator
Homer T. Bone in May 1942, is of interest to those who seek direct
evidence of a conspiracy by big oil companies to suppress development of
synthetic substitutes to petrochemical products such as industrial
chemicals, aircraft lubricants and fuel, all of which can be made from
hemp: 

"On May 6th, John R. Jacobs, Jr., of the Attorney General's department,
testified that Standard had interfered with the American explosives
industry by blocking the use of a method of producing synthetic ammonia.
As a result of its deals with Farben, the United States had been unable
to get the use of this vital process even after Pearl Harbor. Also, the
United States had been restricted in techniques of producing hydrogen
from natural gas and from obtaining paraflow, a product used for
airplane lubrication at high altitudes. . . ." 

On August 7th, "Texas oil operator C.R. Starnes appeared to testify that
Standard had blocked him at every turn in his efforts to produce
synthetic rubber after Pearl Harbor. . . ." 

On August 12th, "John R. Jacobs reappeared in an Army private's uniform
(he had been inducted the day before) to bring up another disagreeable
matter: Standard had also, in league with Farben, restricted production
of methanol, a wood alcohol that was sometimes used as motor fuel." (16)

The restriction against methanol production apparently did not apply to
the Nazis, however. "As late as April 1943," Higham reveals, "General
Motors in Stockholm [Sweden] was reported as trading with the enemy. . .
Further documents show that, as with Ford, repairs on German army trucks
and conversion from gasoline to wood-gasoline production were being
handled by GM in Switzerland." (17) 

The use of hemp as a source of methanol was known to the Nazis, revealed
in the pamphlet "The Humorous Hemp Primer," published in Berlin, also in
1943. This document, recently re-published in the 1995 edition of "Hemp
and the Marijuana Conspiracy: The Emperor Wears No Clothes," by veteran
hemp conspiracy researcher Jack Herer, states that:

     "Crops should not only provide food in large quantities, they can
     provide raw materials for industry.  .  .  .  Among such raw
     materials of especially high value is hemp .  .  .
     
     "The woody part of this large plant is not to be thrown out, since
     it can easily be used for surface coatings for the finest floors.
     It also provides paper and cardboard, building materials and wall
     paneling.  Further processing will even produce wood sugar and wood
     gas.  .  .  .
     
     "Anyone who grows hemp today need not fear a lack of a market,
     because hemp, as useful as it is, will be purchased in unlimited
     amounts."  (18)

The Nazis obviously considered hemp a vital war material that could be
used to produce methanol, or "wood gas," at the same time, in 1943, that
Du Pont-controlled General Motors in Switzerland was "converting from
gasoline to wood-gasoline production." This, taken into consideration
along with the earlier statement that Standard Oil-I.G. Farben had
"restricted production of methanol" and the GM-Standard Oil-I.G. Farben
joint venture, Ethyl, Inc., whose profitability depended on the
production of lead-tetraethyl for oil-based petrochemical gasoline - in
direct competition with the alternative methanol, or "wood gas,"
certainly opens new avenues of investigation into the existence of a
conspiracy against hemp as an alternative, and competing, industrial raw
material, by these very same corporations which sold America out to the
Nazis for profit and control of world resources and markets. 

"Just after Pearl Harbor," writes Seldes, "the Assistant Attorney
General, Mr. Thurman Arnold, issued a sensational report of the sabotage
of the national [war production] program, the first report naming the
practices which were later to be referred to as the treason of big
business in wartime. Said Mr. Arnold:

     "Looking back over 10 months of defense effort we can now see how
     much it has been hampered by the attitude of powerful basic
     industries who have feared to expand their production because
     expansion would endanger their future control of industry.
     
     "Anti-trust investigations during the past year have shown that
     there is not an organized basic industry in the United States which
     has not been restricting production by some device or other in
     order to avoid what they call 'ruinous overproduction after the
     war'."  (19)

By "ruinous overproduction," of course, they meant free-market
competition. So, to question the existence of an industrial conspiracy
against competition, during the 1930s and 1940s, is pointless. It has
long been totally documented by volumes of evidence, available in the
public record. And among this list of convicted corporate conspirators
are murderers, racists, pro-Nazi collaborators, blackmailers and
American Fascists who plotted at least one armed take-over of the U.S.
government. And the list is not yet complete. 


THE FORD MOTOR COMPANY 

Henry Ford, writes Higham, "admired Hitler from the beginning, when the
future Fuhrer was a struggling and obscure fanatic. He shared with
Hitler a fanatical hatred of Jews." 

"Ford's book 'The International Jew' was issued in 1927. A virulent
anti-Semitic tract, it was still being distributed in Latin America and
the Arab countries as late as 1945. Hitler admired the book and it
influenced him deeply. Visitors to Hitler's headquarters at the Brown
House in Munich noticed a large photograph of Henry Ford hanging in his
office. Stacked high on the table outside were copies of Ford's book. As
early as 1923," when Hitler heard that Ford was planning to run for
President, he "told an interviewer from the 'Chicago-Tribune,' 'I wish
that I could send some of my shock troops to Chicago and other big
American cities to help'." 

As late as 1940, Ford Motor Company "refused to build aircraft engines
for England and instead built supplies of the 5-ton military trucks that
were the backbone of German army transportation." (20) 

The Ford Motor Company was also aware of the potential of hemp as an
alternative industrial resource, devoting many years research to the
subject. 

In a 1989 ABC Radio broadcast, Hugh Downs reported that in the 1930s,
"the Ford Motor Company also saw a future in biomass fuels. Ford
operated a successful biomass conversion plant that included hemp at
their Iron Mountain facility in Michigan. Ford engineers extracted
methanol, charcoal fuel, tar, pitch, ethyl acetate, and creosote - all
fundamental ingredients for modern industry, and now supplied by
oil-related industries. . . . Henry Ford's experiments with methanol
promised cheap, readily-available fuel." (21) 

As reported in "Popular Mechanics" in December, 1941, Ford's research
represented "an industrial revolution in progress . . . a revolution in
materials that will affect every home." (22) 

So, it is possible, even likely, that Ford and General Motors conversion
"from gasoline to wood-gasoline production" for Nazi Germany, as earlier
reported by Higham, involved at least some consideration of hemp as a
resource, if not actual production of "wood-gas" from hemp. After all,
Ford had already committed several years and significant research
dollars to the subject. 

The implication of methanol fuel patents, hemp industry research and
production facilities, all in the hands of this cabal of Nazi-allied
American corporations, during a proven period of anti-competition
conspiracies, and wartime blackmail against the U.S. government, should
provide additional support for the hemp conspiracy theories. The fact is
that Nazi Germany recognized hemp as a vital war material - one which,
just before America's entrance into World War II, was positioned to
compete in the free-market against the products controlled by the
Pro-Nazi American corporations. Unrestricted expansion of United States
industrial hemp production threatened not only the profits of these
treasonous corporations, but the degree of their control over America's
production of vital war materials. 

This view of hemp, not as a "dangerous drug" but as a vital war
material, was acknowledged by the Kentucky Legislature a little over 100
years before the Japanese sneak attack on Pearl Harbor. In 1841,
according to Professor James F. Hopkins, author of "A History of the
Hemp Industry in Kentucky," published by the University of Kentucky
Press in 1951: 

"When the farmers of Woodford County [KY] assembled in October, 1841, to
consider a program of hemp production for the navy, they only went as
far as to express an opinion that the government should employ a rope
spinner in Kentucky for the purpose of converting the fiber into yarns,
which could be transported much more cheaply and safely than the bulky
raw material. The Committee on Agriculture of the Kentucky House of
Representatives inquired into the matter early in 1842 . . . 

"Both houses of the General Assembly sent to the Senators and
Congressmen from Kentucky a request that they use their 'best exertions'
to have established in the state one or more agencies for the inspection
and manufacture of hemp for the navy. A select committee of Congress,
appointed to consider the resolutions from Kentucky, reported three
resolutions of its own: that the navy be directed to construct a factory
at Louisville 'for the purpose of depositing and manufacturing . . .
such hempen fabrics of domestic water-rotted hemp as the public service
may require'; that inspectors be appointed to test the fiber that might
be offered for sale; and that, after due notice to the public, purchase
of the necessary amount of fiber be made at the factory. The Committee
contended that its plan would build up during peacetime a source of hemp
which would be vitally important in case of war, encourage American
agriculture and manufactures, and decrease the unfavorable balance of
trade." (23) 

     [NOTE: For many years we Kentuckians have had a good deal of our
     heritage and history buried beneath a thick layer of propaganda
     from a source of power and control in this country which knows
     neither honor nor justice.  Now, we are learning the truth.  Our
     history as a state built upon the foundation of a long- and
     dishonestly- outlawed industry endures.]




--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
INTERNATIONAL TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH 

Even after Pearl Harbor, ITT was working for the Nazis, reports Higham:
". . . the German army, navy, and air force contracted with ITT for the
manufacture of switchboards, telephones, alarm gongs, buoys, air raid
warning devices, radar equipment, and thirty thousand fuses per month
for artillery shells used to kill British and American troops." 

ITT also "supplied ingredients for the rocket bombs that fell on
London," and other devices as well, without which "it would have been
impossible for the German air force to kill American and British troops,
for the German army to fight the Allies in Africa, Italy, France, and
Germany, for England to have been bombed, or for Allied ships to have
been attacked at sea." (24) 

In 1938, "following a series of meetings with Luftwaffe chief Herman
Goring, [ITT founder and chairman Sosthenes] Behn encouraged ITT's
Lorenz subsidiary to purchase 28 percent of the Focke-Wulf firm,
manufacturer of the bombers that were to sink so many Allied ships
during the war," according to researcher and author Jim Hougan. (25) 

Anthony Sampson, in "The Sovereign State of ITT," reports on what is
perhaps the most bizarre aspect of the US/Nazi corporate partnership,
war reparations:

     ".  .  .  ITT now presents itself as the innocent victim of the
     Second World War, and has been handsomely recompensed for its
     injuries.  In 1967, nearly thirty years after the events, ITT
     actually managed to obtain $27 million in compensation from the
     American government, for war damage to Focke-Wulf plants - on the
     basis that they were American property bombed by Allied bombers."
     (26)

The Foreign Claims Settlement Commission was responsible for this
payment to ITT, and other U.S. corporations as well. 

Bradford Snell reports that "After the cessation of hostilities, GM and
Ford demanded reparations from the U.S. Government for wartime damages
sustained by their Axis facilities as a result of Allied bombing. By
1967 GM had collected more than $33 million in reparations and Federal
tax benefits for damages to its warplane and motor vehicle properties in
formerly Axis territories . . . Ford received a little less than $1
million, primarily as a result of damages sustained by its military
truck complex at Cologne." (27) 

ALLEN DULLES: ARCHITECT OF THE US-NAZI NETWORK 

Contemporary history records Allen Dulles as one of America's top
spymasters, from his early days in the Office of Strategic Services
(OSS) in World War II, to his position as Director of the Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA) in the 1950s and early 1960s (until President
John F. Kennedy fired him over the Bay of Pigs disaster in 1961), and
finally to his membership on the controversial Warren Commission, which
investigated President Kennedy's assassination. Until recently, his
pivotal role in promoting a U.S. corporate relationship with the Nazis
was little known. Loftus and Aarons describe the post-World War I role
of Allen, and his brother, John Foster, in the following terms:

     "We first turn to Dulles's creation of international finance
     networks for the benefit of the Nazis.  In the beginning, moving
     money into the Third Reich was quite legal.  Lawyers saw to that.
     And Allen and his brother John Foster were not just any lawyers.
     They were international finance specialists for the powerful Wall
     Street law firm of Sullivan & Cromwell.  .  .  .
     
     "The Dulles brothers were the ones who convinced American
     businessmen to avoid U.S. government regulation by investing in
     Germany.  It began with the Versailles Treaty, in which they played
     no small role.  After World War I the defeated German government
     promised to pay war reparations to the Allies in gold, but Germany
     had no gold.  It had to borrow the gold from Sullivan & Cromwell's
     clients in the United States.  Nearly 70 percent of the money that
     flowed into Germany during the 1930s came from investors in the
     United States, many of them Sullivan & Cromwell clients.  .  .
     
     "Foster Dulles, as a member of the board of I.G. Farben, seems to
     have had little difficulty in getting along with whoever was in
     charge.  Some of our sources insist that both Dulles brothers made
     substantial but indirect contributions to the Nazi party as the
     price of continued influence inside the new German order.  .  .  ."
     (28)



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

NOTES: U.S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS

1. Facts and Fascism, George Seldes, p.  122 Trading with the Enemy,
   Charles Higham, p.  167

2. Even the Gods Can't Change History, Seldes, pp.  140-144

3. Facts and Fascism, p.  68

4. Ibid., p.  262

5. Trading with the Enemy, pp.  162-165

6. Ibid., p.  166

7. Power, Inc., Morton and Mintz, pp.  497-499

8. Trading with the Enemy, pp.  163-165

9. The Plot to Seize the White House, Jules Archer, Hawthorn Books, 1973
   (Quoted from It's A Conspiracy, National Insecurity Council,
   EarthWorks Press, 1992, pp.  179-184)

10. Trading with the Enemy, pp.  167-168

11. Facts and Fascism, pp.  68-70

12. Trading with the Enemy, pp.  45-46

13. Power, Inc, pp.  499-500

14. The Secret War Against The Jews, Aarons and Loftus, pp.  44-65

15. Trading with the Enemy, pp.  61-62

16. Ibid., pp.  49-52

17. Ibid., p.  176

18. The Emperor Wears No Clothes, Jack Herer, pp.  127-130

19. One Thousand Americans, Seldes, pp.  142-143

20. Trading with the Enemy, pp.  154-156

21. Ain't Nobody's Business If You Do, p.  734

22. Popular Mechanics Magazine, Vol.  76, No.  6, Dec. 1941 (The Emperor
    Wears No Clothes, 1995 edition, p.  199)

23. A History of the Hemp Industry in Kentucky, Professor James F.
    Hopkins, University of Kentucky Press, 1951

24. Trading with the Enemy, p.  99

25. Spooks, Jim Hougan, pp.  423-424

26. The Sovereign State of ITT, Anthony Sampson, p.  47 (Power, Inc.,
    pp.  500-501)

27. GM and the Nazis, by Bradford C.  Snell, Ramparts Magazine, June
    1974, pp.  14-16 (Democracy for the Few, Michael Parenti, pp.
    91-92)

28. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp.  55-60

